The first elected female deputy governor of Lagos State, Alhaja Sinatu Ojikutu, speaks with DANIEL AYANTOYE on her strained relationship with President Bola Tinubu and the reality of governance in Lagos

you claimed your life was in danger after the emergence of President Bola Tinubu. Do you still feel at risk now after two years?

Yes. I believe the interview I granted back then saved me. After that, many people visited and urged me not to leave the country. It all started with the Federal Character Commission, where the clash between me and Tinubu began. I took an oath to ensure fairness in recruitment, particularly that indigenes of a state should not be marginalised. Data we received at the commission showed that Lagos indigenes were being sidelined in federal recruitment. I sent a formal request for a courtesy visit to Governor Tinubu then to discuss the matter. He welcomed me warmly. Our families — Tinubu and Adeoba — were close. But I didn’t realise he hadn’t been properly briefed about the purpose of my visit. When I presented the issue, he flared up. He accused me of playing politics, especially since I was aspiring to be governor under the Peoples Democratic Party. I expected him to say, “It’s not so,” or to promise to look into the data. But his reaction shocked me. He became visibly angry. Two to three years later, I was in court over a land dispute. The land, originally allocated to me by former Governor Otedola, had its title revoked shortly after my altercation with Tinubu. I had given the land to a developer, who found that the revocation happened just weeks after our disagreement. After that, he walked me out of a meeting, among other things. So, I thought if he could do all this when he wasn’t president, what would he do now that he is the President? That was why I spoke out. Thankfully, people stepped in and encouraged me to stay and work things out. I still wish him well, and I pray he performs. Life is hard, and there is hunger in the land. It is visible, and people are complaining.

Tinubu is often credited with laying the foundation for Lagos State’s development, especially given his long-standing influence on its governance for over two decades. What is your perspective on this narrative?

When people believe that raising questions could cost them their lives and nothing will be done about it, they stay silent. If the public perceives that someone has loyalists who can take lives without remorse, then naturally, people will be afraid to speak out or protest. That is what happened in Lagos. People say he has a grip on Lagos. It is about milking Lagos. When you compare Lagos’ Internally Generated Revenue with how it’s being used, it doesn’t add up. Lagos could have become like Dubai if public funds had been properly utilised. Former Governor Akinwunmi Ambode made efforts with public funds, and we could see what he was doing. But they denied him a second term, saying they were “hungry.” Many so-called achievements are just media hype. A N10,000-worth project is hyped like a N1bn project. When they use Lagos as a development template and the Vice President talks about how Tinubu “made Lagos,” many of us living here wonder: is it this same Lagos? Whose lives have truly been improved aside from those building legacies in their own names?

Recently, a local government election was held in the state, and the APC again cleared all the seats. What is your take on the outcome?

That wasn’t an election; it was a selection. Did you see the voter turnout? People already expected what happened. If you know they will beat you and no one will speak up, would you come out? It is more about intimidation and fear. But a time will come when people are pushed to the wall and will say, “Enough is enough.” I always say, I become your supporter the day you take the oath of office. I begin to pray that God helps you succeed. But you can’t give what you don’t have. Any human who equates himself with God is headed for destruction. At the Nigerian Guild of Editors’ event to honour Baba Jakande, I appealed to Bayo Onanuga to tell the President what is really happening, not what he wants to hear. I may not agree with your methods, but if God puts you in office, I will pray that you use the position to better people’s lives. I won’t wish you failure because if you fail, the people suffer.

How would you assess Tinubu’s administration?

It feels almost like an autocracy, and that sentiment is widely shared. Even people who worked for his emergence feel like he is acting as if no one helped him get there. He is handpicking people he wants to use, and in politics, people believe those who worked should benefit. I am praying things work out for him. Anyone wishing a leader to fail is wishing suffering upon the masses. I learned that long before I became deputy governor. Whoever God puts there should serve well so that Nigerians can be happy.

How will you react to the coalition of opposition leaders making efforts to unseat Tinubu?

To unseat him and do what exactly? If they want to take over, they should clearly state what they plan to do for Nigerians. All of them have one thing in common — they want to put the people’s wealth into their own pockets. Before I believe any of them, they should use their foreign-stashed money to provide good hospitals and schools that are accessible and affordable to the common man. That’s what they should showcase during campaigns. Let them show what they have done to deserve leadership. Tinubu may not be making people happy, but can these others do better? He made campaign promises. We should hold him accountable to those promises. If he has encountered unexpected challenges, these same challenges will face whoever takes over, and they too will likely offer excuses.

With the track record of the likes of Atiku Abubakar, El-Rufai, Amaechi, and Peter Obi, do you see any prospects for a better Nigeria?

Just like Tinubu’s track record didn’t truly encourage confidence — it was mostly media hype — the same goes for these ones. They may not have had the same media buzz, but many of their actions show more self-interest than public service. They are all birds of the same feather. I feel sorry for Nigerians. Even their votes may not count, because in many cases, the results are predetermined. What we need is divine intervention — that God touches the heart of whoever is in power to serve sincerely and improve the lives of the people.

In commemoration of Democracy Day, President Tinubu conferred national honours on MKO Abiola, Saro-Wiwa, and others. How would you describe that decision?

I have never been one of those who believe in these national honours. When I was deputy governor, it was supposed to come automatically along with the governor. Everybody in the state knew I was very active. I was practically the face of the government in many aspects. Even my governor received the honour, but I wasn’t considered. That’s because much of what I did wasn’t in line with the interests of those in power. So, I don’t see myself ever receiving any honour in Nigeria, and that speaks to how these honours are often distributed. Some are deserving, but many are not. It has become like a rag — anybody gets it. I believe honours should be based on merit. Just because someone occupies a position doesn’t mean they deserve recognition.

Some Nigerians have expressed concerns that the President’s reward to the Super Falcons was excessive. Would you describe it as lavish spending?

I love women. I love all of God’s creation. When they achieve something, I feel like I am achieving with them. I was happy for the girls — for their effort, their spirit. The honour and recognition they are receiving are already a reward in themselves. But let’s be clear: Tinubu didn’t start the tradition of giving gifts. Remember the Super Eagles were also given houses back in the day. Providing housing is offering shelter, which is understandable. But given the current state of the country, the cash gifts seem excessive. When you convert $100,000 to naira, you see how significant it is. Yet, there is a serious level of hunger in the land. Unfortunately, this administration hasn’t acknowledged it; and when they do, they act like it is not a big deal — just something people have to live with. But the suffering is deep. People are dying silently, especially those who are too proud to beg. The cost of survival is getting out of reach. This is not about whether you like the President or not, it is our reality. Things are slipping beyond the reach of the common man. Even the roads are in a terrible state. I recently travelled to Benin for a wedding; the road was frightening.

You once called on President Bola Tinubu to rename LASU after Jakande. However, there have been debates surrounding the renaming of institutions after individuals, with some arguing that it affects the identity of such institutions. What is your take on this?

If that is a concern, then we shouldn’t have places named after Tinubu either. These objections shouldn’t be limited to LASU. There were what we called “Lobo states” under the Unity Party of Nigeria and Social Democratic Party — Lagos, Ondo, Oyo, Ogun, and Bendel states. The governors were Awolowo’s boys under UPN. They all followed a similar pattern of establishing universities, and currently, all those universities have been renamed after their founders. Why should Lagos be any different? Jakande never named anything after himself; everything bearing his name today was done by others. If you conduct a vote among LASU students — both alumni and current students — on whether the university should be named after Jakande, I’m confident the majority would support it.

As a former national commissioner of the Federal Character Commission, how would you describe the agency’s adherence to the principles of federal character since your exit?

I don’t think it has been followed properly since I left. Federal character was actually what led to a clash between Tinubu and me. As commissioners, we took the oath of office just like ministers. Our rank was equivalent to that of a minister of state. I was initially reluctant to accept the position because it felt like a step down from being a former deputy governor. But I believe service is service. If I feel I can make an impact, I could even take up a local government chairmanship. When I truly understood the essence of the Federal Character Commission, I accepted the appointment wholeheartedly, just as I had accepted the deputy governor nomination.

What was the process of your nomination as a deputy governor?

I didn’t just jump at the nomination because I understood the challenges of being a deputy.

I was an executive director at the Nigerian Bank for Commerce and Industry, the number two position; and I had a tough relationship with the managing director. It wasn’t smooth — it almost cost me my life. I insisted on visiting project sites before approving funds, but many of those projects were already operational, or the funds disbursed weren’t visible on-site. I wasn’t the type that sits in the office. I frequently went to the field, which led to conflict with my MD. Eventually, the government dissolved the management and removed us. So, when I was nominated to be deputy governor, I asked, “What are the functions of a deputy governor?” They showed me a list of over 40 functions assigned to my predecessor, and I thought, “This is substantial work” — so I accepted. But after taking the oath of office, they brought up Decree 50, which said a deputy governor can only perform tasks assigned by the governor. That’s when I realised there was a problem. I asked myself, “With my nature, will I even be assigned anything?” True to my fears, I was almost caged. Thankfully, the corporate world came to the rescue. I received invitations to seminars and public events. I remained very active. People often said, “Alausa is working,” but every outing still required permission.

Does this mean the invitations meant for the governor were redirected to you because of your situation at the time?

My governor was a quiet type. When invited to events, he would say he was there to work, not attend social functions. But I believed we needed to show the people what we were doing. Some didn’t like that approach. Even the opposition called me aside and asked me to join them in impeaching him, but I said no. The opposition was strong then. During the election, people voted for us for governor, but when it came to the House of Assembly, they voted for the opposition. We only won three local governments under the National Republican Convention.

You mean the opposition wanted you to join forces to impeach the governor as his deputy?

Yes. Some of them are still alive and don’t like me because I refused. I told them I would not work against Baba. He accepted my nomination as his deputy — why would I betray him? I told them boldly that I would not, and I was happy to be with him. Those who lost that election have remained bitter. Till this day, I’m still persona non grata to many of them — the SDP people who later became PDP, then AD, AC, and now APC. They’re all over the place, but I’m not one of them. They saw me as the weapon used against them because it was my nomination that united NRC with their faction, which led to our victory. That’s why I always say my motto is, “One with God is a majority in politics.”

They (opposition) are always afraid of going into an election with me. It may appear as if I am not popular, but when it comes to the vote, I get the votes, and they usually wonder. My rally is always big because I make the people happy. Some of them cannot spend their personal money. I went to Alausa to spend my personal money for programmes. My governor denied me most of the funds that should have come to me. But fortunately, I was already an accomplished person before I became deputy governor, and my husband’s clients also usually supported me for programmes.

Why did he deny you funds despite being the deputy governor?

I don’t know. There were people who were more “deputy governor” than the deputy governor. It is a dangerous position to be in. There was a time I was invited to a programme, and I took permission from my governor and went there. I spoke well, telling the people “my governor this” and “my governor that,” only to hear that some people went to him and said, “If you see how she was doing as if she was the governor.” And I asked, how do they want me to act? The people that invited me later visited him and told him that I represented him very well, only for him to tell them, “I didn’t send her.” And they came back to tell me. I approached him and asked, “Why? I went there to represent you.” And it was for the good of the government because someone had to represent the corporate world, attend their events, and let people see that we were working. But my governor was not interested. People were also pitching me against the governor. That is why I said the position is a dangerous one.

You once raised concerns about the level of corruption endemic in the country’s politics, which you cited as one of the reasons for staying out. How can this menace be eradicated?

When former President Muhammadu Buhari came in 2015, the atmosphere initially changed. Everyone was on their toes, expecting things to be done differently. But after waiting several months without any meaningful change, people reverted to their old ways. If a new leader demonstrates integrity and is known not to embezzle public funds, it creates a sense that corruption won’t be tolerated. But if the incoming leader is also a kleptomaniac, then it becomes a free-for-all. People watch how these leaders transform within a short time — how they go from modest means to becoming colossally wealthy. They ask, “Did he make it through honest means or by dubious means?” When they see it’s dishonest, they feel justified doing the same. That’s why corruption is becoming more entrenched. Now, people believe you can’t get anything done without bribery or cutting corners.